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Populists and technocrats in Latin America: Conflict, cohabitation, and cooperation
(Cogitatio Press, 2020-01-01)
The literature frequently presents populists and technocrats as antagonistic. Although undoubtedly there are good historical examples that confirm this tension, in this article we propose that the relations between economic technocrats and populists are less conflictive than usually assumed and cohabitation a more common outcome than expected. We argue that two conditions moderate conflict between populists and economic technocrats, leading not only to their cohabitation but to cooperation between them: the programmatic mandate of populists and the economic context of their rise to power. We analyse the relations of economic experts with nine populist presidents in contemporary Latin America to show this argument’s soundness.
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Procesos y materialidad en el estudio del lenguaje en sociedad
(De Gruyter Mouton, 2021-03-01)
In this brief essay, and making use of my own research in Peru, I raise two issues that I have been reflecting on throughout my career and that I believe constitute challenges in addressing language in society. The first refers to the importance of studying the processes of meaning production from an ethnographic perspective, and the second, to the centrality of articulating the production of these meanings with the material conditions of existence that make them possible or difficult. These two points are committed to combining ethnographic sociolinguistics and glotopolitics, as critical perspectives that are enhancing sociolinguistics in Latin America.
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La economía política de la ambigüedad del reconocimiento: derechos colectivos de los pueblos indígenas bajo el neoliberalismo à la peruana (1990-2000)
(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2022-12-15)
The simultaneous appearance in 1989 of the term “Washington Consensus” and the adoption of ILO Convention 169 are not a historical curiosity, but rather a milestone in the ambiguity of the recognition of collective rights of indigenous people. Now, while the political economy of Peruvian development has been described as “heavily centralised and ethnically define exclusionary” (Orihuela, 2020, p. 146), can it be said that it only obeys the weight of history? What characterized the political economy of recognition during a markedly neoliberal period? The aim of this essay is to outline a proposal for analysis of the type of political economy that governed the recognition of indigenous people’s rights in Peru during the Fujimori decade (1990-2000). Although the historical determinants of the condition of exclusion of these people, the characteristics of the Peruvian neoliberal period and the underlying political economy have been studied, research focused on the relationship between these aspects at the end of the 20th century is scarce. The first section addresses the historical relationship between the people in question and the State; the second defines the concept of neoliberalism and its relationship with collective rights; the third section develops the analysis proposal. Finally, it is argued that the “recognition” of the right to land and territory under the Fujimori regime implied a lack of knowledge, constraint and violation of this and other collective rights of indigenous people.
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Presidential approval in Peru: an empirical analysis using a fractionally cointegrated VAR
(Springer, 2022-08-01)
Presidential approval in Peru depends on economic outcomes. However, voters are unable to distinguish between outcomes resulting from economic policies and those caused by exogenous external factors. Estimation results from seven Fractional Cointegrated VAR (FCVAR) models suggest that presidential approval increases with the monetary policy interest rate, the terms of trade, and manufacturing employment; and decreases with the nominal PEN/USD exchange rate and inflation volatility. Additionally, a Principal Components Analysis (PCA) conducted over a large set of macroeconomic indicators points to a greater influence of external over domestic factors in explaining presidential approval; i.e., economic outcomes that determine the dynamics of presidential approval are not under presidential control in Peru. It can be argued that these findings identify a significant source of political instability and a considerable challenge to democratic governance. To the authors’ best knowledge, this is the first application of fractional cointegration analysis to political economy in Latin America.
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The political economy of trade barriers in Peru
(Universidad Pedagogica y Tecnologica de Colombia, 2022-01-01)
This paper analyzes the political economy factors and actors that may have influenced trade instruments in Peru during the liberalization period of 2001-2015 (which started in 1990 under Fujimori’s administration). The evidence supports the hypothesis that Peruvian trade barriers liberalization in period 2000-2015 was led by the powerful “Ministry of Economy and Finance (MEF)”, accompanied by traditional and diversified exporters (that consolidated the unilateral trade liberalization) and by import substitution firms that influenced to some degree, and slowed down the rate of liberalization of unilateral trade barriers. In addition, the unilateral trade liberalization was facilitated by the weak role of the formal labor force and liberal-oriented consumer interest groups.
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Protecting gains: Extractivism, social movements, and the politics of policy implementation
(Elsevier Ltd, 2024-03-01)
Scholarship on social movements around conflicts over extractive development has advanced in identifying when movements are likely to impact policy adoption. Yet, in Latin America policies are rarely implemented – a reality that commonly leads conflicts to reignite. This sheds light over this often overlooked issue. We focus on the politics of policy implementation – when and how social movements around extractive development have higher chances to favorably impact policy enforcement. To this end, we switch the attention from the strategies of social movements and their outcomes over policy implementation at the local level, to their cumulative impact on national-level policy. We argue for a comparative political economy approach that enables us to identify the systemic, intermediate, and short-term factors that impact the effect of movements on conflicts over policy implementation. Building on this approach, we propose three potential implementation outcomes – positive, status quo and rollback – depending on the degree to which they align with a movement's position. We conclude highlighting the contributions of the articles in this issue to the politics of policy implementation and providing some insights for social movements’ course of action to protect their gains.
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Protestas sociales: democratización social y política contra la re-elitización neoliberal en el Perú
(Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2023-12-31)
El artículo sostiene que el discurso golpista de Castillo, su apresamiento sin seguir el debido proceso, el contragolpe del Congreso y la sucesión de Boluarte configuran un nudo de acontecimientos que suscitó multitudinarios movimientos de protesta en el Perú, especialmente en el sur andino. Estas protestas son una respuesta popular al re-elitismo que ha instalado el neoliberalismo en el Estado, capturándolo, y en el sistema político, cuestionando la soberanía popular a través de diversas formas y mecanismos: procesos electorales injustos; inventos de fraude electoral; presión, chantaje y corrupción de los presidentes elegidos por la centro-izquierda para convertirlos en neoliberales; golpes de Estado del Congreso para sustituir a los presidentes elegidos por otros que gobiernen con el programa de los perdedores, y voluntad de captura de los organismos electorales. Sostiene que las protestas constituyen un innegable movimiento de democratización social y política que las élites dominantes y gobernantes estigmatizan de terrorista para reprimirlo con violencia. Finalmente, plantea como hipótesis que el nudo de acontecimientos ha abierto las puertas a una coyuntura crítica del modelo neoliberal.
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‘Just Transition’ in the Global South: Mission Impossible? The Perils of the Transition in Mexico and Ecuador
(Mattersburger Kreis fur Entwicklungspolitik, 2023-01-01)
Historically, ‘just transition’ speaks to concerns of workers of ‘dirty industries’ in the Global North in the light of environmental regulations and (possible) impacts on their working conditions and job positions. Increasingly, the concept is used to highlight issues of social justice in transitions to a low-carbon economy based on renewable energy sources. Focusing on the juncture triggered by the current climate change-driven stage of global capitalism, we emphasise the tension that arises between the notions of ‘national development’, ‘global sustainability’, and a ‘just transition’, and argue that current transition politics and pathways tend to (re)produce extractivist and rentier logics as well as socioecological conflicts in the Global South. We illustrate our argument by delving into the political economy and political ecology of contemporary Mexico and Ecuador, where we also identify the perils of following transition pathways that limit a ‘just transition’.
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On a journey to citywide inclusive sanitation (CWIS)? A political economy analysis of container-based sanitation (CBS) in the fragmented (in)formal city
(Routledge, 2025-01-01)
Rapidly growing cities face the chronic challenge of access to safe, dignified and accessible sanitation, in contexts of inequality and informality. Technological and operational innovations, such as container-based sanitation (CBS), are promoted as relatively low-cost market-based circular economy off-grid solutions to deliver citywide inclusive sanitation (CWIS). However, in the absence of evidence that CBS is delivering on these promises, this paper asks: under what conditions can CBS services contribute to achieving CWIS goals? It applies a combined political economy and socio-technical regime analysis to examine multi-level governance in the sanitation sector and CBS service regimes in Cape Town, Lima, Nairobi and Cap-Haitien. Only Cape Town, a municipality-controlled system, demonstrates the necessary public authority that enables CBS to operate at scale. Yet, it is regarded by many residents in informal settlements as poor sanitation for poor people. This suggests that scaling CBS requires sustained public investment and strong coordinating authority.
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Hijacked: How Neoliberalism Turned the Work Ethic Against Workers and How Workers Can Take It Back
(Wiley, 2025-02-20)
In her most recent book, Hijacked: How Neoliberalism Turned the Work Ethic Against Workers and How Workers Can Take It Back, political philosopher Elizabeth Anderson meticulously examines the historical evolution of the work ethic. Through this analysis, she highlights essential insights necessary to counteract the prevailing neoliberal trajectory. Anderson's examination reveals that, since the inception of work ethic in Puritan England, two distinct trends have emerged: one conservative and one progressive. The former has historically focused on associating poverty with idleness, advocating for punitive measures or compulsory reeducation rather than addressing the underlying cultural and economic factors perpetuating it. In contrast, Anderson champions the latter perspective, which places the worker at the forefront of public policy and social reform initiatives. In the initial chapters, Anderson elucidates how the foundation of work ethic can be traced back to the influential English theologian Richard Baxter. In the late 17th century, Baxter advocated for hard work as a “calling” of God and emphasized the importance of eschewing excessive ambition and laziness, regardless of social status. He stressed the prudent use of time and resources, alongside virtues like moderation, thrift, and altruism (p. 16). This Puritan ethical framework, later oversimplified by Max Weber as purely conservative in nature, was also reflected in the writings of Robert Sanderson, another theologian from the 17th century. Sanderson expanded on the salvific role of work by introducing novel concepts such as career selection based on personal strengths and an egalitarian approach that demanded equal ethical standards for all individuals regarding honest labor for societal welfare. Furthermore, Sanderson proposed concrete measures to safeguard workers against exploitation by employers through provisions for fair treatment, just wages, and adequate living conditions encompassing health and safety standards (p. 11). In chapter 3, Anderson elucidates how the Industrial Revolution, commencing at the close of the 18th century, led to a distinct separation between wage laborers and capitalists that resulted in a detrimental impact on the work ethic. The emergence of class distinctions brought about a divergence in the allocation of costs and benefits, something that Puritan ethics had until then been responsible for keeping in balance (p. 64). This secularization of the work ethic engendered an unequal sharing of hardships, burdening the disenfranchised with the sole responsibility for sacrifice and hard labor. Initially conceived as an ethical framework applicable to all types of work without regard to social class distinctions—a concept underpinned by a divine calling lacking such differentiation—the evolution toward liberalism saw a progressively conservative interpretation emerge. This interpretation increasingly favored the affluent elite and the “idle rich” over the impoverished labor force (p. 72). Anderson observes that the 20th century saw manifestations of both progressive and conservative ideologies, embodied by social democracy and neoliberalism, respectively. Social democracy, rooted in a reformist strand of Marxism from the late 19th and early 20th centuries, traces its intellectual lineage back to influential figures such as Paine, Condorcet, Locke, Smith, Ricardo, and Mill. Chapters 5 to 8 elaborate on how this ideology advocates for the equal treatment of all workers, the provision of social security and other essential labor benefits without discrimination, and the empowerment of workers through self-determination and self-governance. On the other hand, neoliberalism, expounded upon in chapters 3, 4, and 9, emerged from the philosophies of Priestley, Bentham, Malthus, Paley, Burke, and Whately. This ideology supports an economic system centered around shareholders where dignity is tied to self-sufficiency. Neoliberalism promotes notions of private charity as well as voluntary initiatives while endorsing policies that emphasize individual responsibility and fails to acknowledge that workers' fates are often influenced by decisions made by major stakeholders in society. According to Anderson, a worker-centered work ethic may be adapted to the challenges of the present by drawing inspiration from an alternative, de-ideologized economic history, such as the one she offers in her book. As a result, three long-forgotten issues should be reintroduced into political and economic research: the restructuring of the processes of production, exchange, and distribution of goods; the effect of work on the abilities, values, and dispositions that make up a full life; and the need to build cooperative and supportive human relationships in all spheres of social life, with a focus on the workplace, where these relationships have been more neglected (p. 288). In sum, for Anderson, the main lesson of the progressive work ethic tradition is that “the most important product of our economic system is ourselves” (p. 288), its current function being “to organize, recognize, and reward work so as to promote the well-being of the whole society in ways that promote the freedom, dignity, and well-being of each, along multiple dimensions of well-being” (p. 242). Anderson argues that society could benefit from a new kind of worker who—because of supportive and horizontal decision-making practices that permeate work relationships—is more accustomed to democracy and better equipped to participate in issues of public interest in addition to those pertaining to their own subsistence and quality of life. This progressive ethic suggests a shift in the normative viewpoint that, like Eduard Bernstein's social democratic program, should move “from the working class to the democratic nation of citizens” (p. 244). Therefore, it is no coincidence that Anderson views unions and cooperatives, due to their experimental nature, as means of democratizing the workplace to develop skills and strengthen capacities intended to establish a democratic and just society. In fact, Anderson states that “we will discover how to organize society so that it promotes the common good consistently with the freedom of each individual only through patient democratic experimentation,” which is in strict accordance with her prior works on John Dewey's pragmatist democracy and with Bernstein's theses reconstructed in chapter 8 (p. 241). A primary goal of Anderson's project is to show how contemporary neoliberal strategies replicate the priorities and methods of policies that, like the mid–19th-century Malthusian Poor Law, were founded on the criminalization of poverty and desert-based claims of distributive justice that are ideologically maintained and benefit the idle rich (p. 264). The recommodification and microdivision of labor, which seem impervious to criticism, are the two primary issues that characterize this tendency (pp. 169 and 248). Consequently, the main objective of social and political reforms ought to be the decommodification of labor or the removal of its status as a good that is determined by economic demand. Anderson's method is akin to Amartya Sen's capabilities approach in that it focuses on redefining the role of work from being market- and major company-oriented to focusing on the autonomous development of individuals and society as a whole. To “consider how access to material goods may be a prerequisite to the ability to work and exercise other virtues” (p. 262) should, therefore, be made possible by the progressive work ethic. The democratization of work and the necessary development of a progressive work ethic are fields in which Anderson's book marks a substantial advancement. But to reach its full potential, some of its assumptions need to be reexamined in light of those experiences that social philosophy and economic history have paid little attention to, despite the fact that they are fundamental to the functioning of the global economy. Anderson's normative claim is essentially based on the European narrative that work ethic currents have oscillated between progressive and conservative since the Industrial Revolution. According to the explanations provided in chapters 8 and 9, Europe transitioned from a predominance of social democratic ideas, which place a strong emphasis on social security and self-government, to a reconquest in the form of a welfare state after a brief interruption during World War II, and finally to what now seems to be the absolute reign of neoliberalism and the dismantling of the institutions of solidarity, with its epicenter in the United States. Regaining them would, therefore, make sense, but doing so would require adding a strengthened democratic component that would serve as the basis for the well-being criterion. Anderson's approach seems to be limited to the living conditions of salaried employees, whose situations are more or less clear and who are already organized in formal firms. Moreover, it appears that the solution is restricted to countries whose political and economic histories are similar to the one that Anderson expertly reconstructs. Consequently, this approach fails to acknowledge the historical and ongoing dependence of these economies on the intricate informality conditions that have existed since the beginning of colonization processes. These conditions include the well-known global garment and textile industry and its sweatshops; big and well-established consumer goods corporations that rely heavily on informal sellers for a large portion of their distribution; extractivism, whose most iconic and dramatic example is mining and the massive black market it creates; among many others. Hence, there are good reasons to believe that the phenomenon of informality in the economy is not directly caused by the implementation of what Anderson defines as a “conservative work ethic” but, rather, by a particular kind of exclusion (both voluntary and involuntary) that is scarcely analogous to the terms that are commonly used to characterize the socially disadvantageous conditions typical of neoliberalism, such as precariousness, oppression, exploitation, alienation, or poverty. However, rather than detracting from the many positive aspects of Anderson's book, these observations emphasize the need for additional theoretical research in this field.
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