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    The epistemic foundations of injustice: lessons from the Young Marx
    (Springer Nature, 2021-12-01)
    This article intends to show to what extent the early Marxian categories of alienation, ideology and proletariat can serve to better understand current forms of epistemic injustice, as well as, conversely, how the latter can illuminate some unclear aspects of such concepts. In the first part, it will be explained the extent to which Marx’s concept of alienation accounts for the experience of an individual in a world to whose norms she is subject, but which she cannot recognise as her own. It will be shown that Marx finds the answer in a form of emancipatory praxis linked to a transformative appropriation of social reality. In order to deepen the understanding of this idea of emancipation, the second part will analyse the Marxian concept of the proletariat. It will be argued that taking up some considerations about the Hegelian figure of the rabble, Marx distinguishes a “liberal” from a “human” form of emancipation. In the third part, a contemporary example will be used to show the usefulness of the young Marx’s analyses concerning this dimension of emancipation struggles. In the fourth part, these ideas will be developed further through the concept of epistemic injustice, which has gained great importance in the recent studies that Critical Theory carries out of the different socio-epistemic blocks of an ideological nature that prevent articulating, communicating and overcoming negative experiences that hinder individual self-realisation. In this sense, it will be shown the importance of the Marxian categories of alienation and ideology to theoretically address current forms of epistemic injustice, and, in relation to this, it will be explained the transformative and constitutive function of the excluded in the creation of new sectors of reality through which their demands can be met.
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    Ideology, sexism, and beliefs about sexual violence in Peruvian university students and future police officers
    (2021-08-19)
    e main objective of the present study is to establish a comparison between ideology (RWA and SDO), ambivalent sexism and beliefs about sexual violence, in a sample of Peruvian trainee from a police officer school (n = 81) and university students (n = 196). In addition, as a specific objective, it seeks to explore the relationships between the mentioned variables. e results showed significant differences between the groups at the level of the RWA (Right Wing Authoritarianism) ideological variable and the Subordination of women dimension of the Beliefs about Sexual Violence variable. Likewise, the structural model shows that the variables RWA and SDO (Social Dominance Orientation) have an impact on the dimensions of beliefs about sexual violence: Attribution of blame to women, Subordination of women and Exaggeration of women, having as mediators Benevolent and Hostile Sexism. e results show that beliefs about sexual violence in the sample of this study link to sexism and these, in turn, to ideology; however, the routes in which these beliefs are configured vary between police trainee and university students. Higher levels of RWA are observed in police trainee, an ideological indicator that, in this sample, paradoxically tends to be inversely related to sexism and beliefs about sexual violence against women that blame and subordinate them. Regarding the path of social dominance, this also directly relates to both expressions of benevolent and hostile sexism, although with greater predominance with the second, appealing to sex as a structural element on which this ideological component is established
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    Nineteenth-century women writers and the nation
    (Oxford University Press, 2022-08-18)
    This chapter provides an account of the robust emergence of women writers in nineteenth-century Latin America and of the narratives they produced, focusing on the complex relationship between national and gender ideology, the literary field and the consolidation of the new republics, especially in the second half of the century. Rather than focusing on aestheticist frameworks for the myriad novels, novellas, and short stories; poems, essays, and plays; and diaries, letters, and press articles produced by them, it examines their interaction with the dominant male discourse and the strategies that women of letters developed in order to move beyond the age-old patriarchal mandate of “not saying what they knew, or saying that they didn’t know, or saying the opposite of what they knew” (Ludmer 48).1 If intellectuals of the so-called national period had an impossibly idealized concept of the literary woman, later critics’ and writers’ respect for them, from modernistas and throughout the twentieth century, was negligible. This rich and diverse corpus of writing published in the periodical press and in book form, from Chile to Mexico, had all but disappeared from literary memory and from the canon until it was rediscovered more than a century later by feminist activists in Latin American, (USA) North American, and European academia from the late 1990s and beyond.
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    Bilateral relations between Peru and Russia in the 21st century: A Peruvian perspective
    (2022-05-11)
    Since the beginning of the 21st century, Russia has tried to regain its status as a great power in world politics, leaving behind its ideological profile that characterized it during the Soviet era. Although it is true that Russian influence in Latin America is still far from reaching the levels of the United States, the European Union or China, Moscow has recently managed to increase its presence in the region. In turn, Peru aspires to position itself as an “emerging regional power”, with an important economic projection towards Asia-Pacific, although maintaining – for now – its strategic alignment with the West. After describing the main milestones of the historical relationship between Peru and Russia –as an empire, a Soviet republic and a post-Soviet republic –, this article seeks to identify the dynamics, as well as the main dimensions of the bilateral relationship in the 21st century. It concludes that, with the exception of the historical supply of Russian weapons to Peru, the links between the two states have been of a relatively low intensity, as a result of Peru’s international identity, convergent with theWest; a generally unfavorable and/or erroneous image of Russia among the country’s elites; as well as the economizing trend in its contemporary foreign policy.
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    Ideological influences on intergroup attitudes in the context of the Hague Court boundary dispute between Peru and Chile
    (Universidad CES, 2022-01-01)
    In the context of the border dispute presented by Peru against Chile in the The Hague Court, this study analyzes the influences of two ideological motivational dimensions: Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) on a set of intergroup attitudes that involve both nations. To this end, a survey study of 196 Chileans and 223 Peruvians participants was conducted. The instruments used to measure ideology and political attitudes are the following ones: RWA Scale; SDO Scale; Scale of Intergroup attitudes between Chile-Peru and specific questions on interest in the Hague litigation and willingness to fight for one's country. The results show that in the Peruvian case attitudes of belligerence and alert and a greater willingness to fight for the country are better explained by the RWA, while in the Chilean case these same attitudes are explained both by the RWA as well as the SDO. On the other hand, pacificist attitudes are explained inversely by SDO in both countries. These findings support the hypothesis that intergroup dynamics between both countries have been marked by expressed actions of a Chilean expansionism versus a Peruvian vengefulness and suggest that equalitarianism will promote attitudes toward respect and cooperation between both groups, changing the frames of expansionism and vengefulness for one of a culture of peace.
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    A qualitative study on the social representations of populism and democracy in Peru
    (Frontiers Media SA, 2024-01-01)
    The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the social representations of democracy, populism and the relationship between both concepts in a sample of citizens from different regions of Peru (n = 76). To this end, a qualitative research design was proposed, using in-depth interviews, which were analyzed from a discursive approach. The results show that democracy and populism are two closely related concepts in tension. On the one hand, the social representation of democracy is semantically poor, closely related to electoral behavior and is seen as a political system that, ideally, is positively valued. Populism, on the other hand, is seen as a political strategy based on the manipulation of citizens' needs in order to reach power using the democratic process of elections. The representation of populism in general is negative, and it is mentioned that it appears and acquires strength in the face of citizen dissatisfaction with democracy, when it cannot solve problems of poverty, corruption or exclusion. The representations of populism take up the constitutive components proposed by different authors on the topic (people, elites and democracy as a product of popular will), but the participants do not necessarily structure the relationships between these components as proposed in the academic literature. Finally, the results shows that respondents' experiences with democracy and populism in Peru act as important socializing forces that will frame how citizens relate to politics and the public.
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    Ideological expectations and support for redistribution among the wealthy
    (Center for Open Science, 2024-04-06)
    When and why do wealthy individuals support redistribution? Under standard political economy models, preferences for redistribution are a function of material conditions. The partisanship literature, on the contrary, argues that partisan identification determines redistributive preferences. We move beyond this dichotomy to argue that the ideology of the government enacting redistribution is a key factor explaining support for redistribution among the wealthy. Through survey experiments during the 2022 Colombian election, we find that the wealthy are more likely to support redistribution under a right-wing government and expect redistribution under the Right to be more efficient and less economically disruptive. We find heterogeneous preferences across ideological positions: in particular, the Right diminishes expectations of macroeconomic instability in both right- and left-wing wealthy.
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    Ideological Changes and Pragmatism in the Pacific Alliance
    (John Wiley and Sons Inc, 2023-03-01)
    Since its creation a decade ago, the Pacific Alliance has established itself as one of the most important regional blocs in Latin America. Its free-market orientation, clearly neoliberal, and its pragmatic decision-making strategy have been highlighted as its main strengths. This article will demonstrate that, despite the ideological changes that have taken place in its members, the Alliance will continue to be an important tool in these members' respective foreign policies. Precisely because of its pragmatism, the coming to power in Peru and Chile of governments critical of neoliberalism did not affect the development of the Pacific Alliance. Likewise, the political changes that have occurred more recently in Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru do not seem to imply a weakening of the of it. By contrast, following its pragmatic profile, the new ideological framework prevailing in the Alliance could serve to face the difficult situation and advance in bloc's process of deep integration.
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    Between Power and the Word: The Speeches of the San Martin Square
    (Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2023-05-12)
    This study aims to describe and analyze the reproduction of power relations in the political discourse of the speakers of the San Martin square during the period 2021. For the analysis of the study, the case study of the Rímac Llaqta association has been applied and from it, speeches pronounced by its main speakers extracted from audiovisual sources have been selected. Interviews were also conducted with the speakers themselves. Taking into consideration the bibliographic review and the analysis of the speeches, as well as the qualitative and interpretative nature of the study, the research argues that the power relations-which emerge from the speeches-are relations whose level of effectiveness is uncertain, since they are subject to improvisation, both in their formation and in their exposition, which may determine an effective resistance to the power that such speeches could create. The research concludes that the reproduction of power relations in Rimac Llaqta’s political discourses is based on the legitimacy and dominance of the social fighter in ideological knowledge and on the existence of visible and invisible objectives that have in common the capture of political power.