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Item type:Publication, Territory in conflict: land dispossession, water grabbing and mobilization for environmental justice in southern Spain(Routledge, 2021-01-01)This paper analyses the socio-territorial conflict prompted by Los Merinos: a residential–tourism project constructed in an ecological reserve that is vital to Andalusian livelihoods. It examines disputes concerning discourses, authorities and rules in order to understand the struggle over land and water. Using the echelons of rights analysis (ERA) framework, the paper scrutinizes the multiscale forces and strategies adopted by business and opposing movement networks in order to shape territory, thereby engaging local and supra-local governments. The authors’ political–ecology lens on environmental justice and territorialization enhances the understanding of the relevance of social movements in contesting the misappropriation of socio-natural environments. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Extractivism of the poor: natural resource commodification and its discontents(Elsevier, 2021-09-02)In a recent series of articles, ecological distribution conflicts scholars present descriptive statistical analyses backing Joan Martinez-Alier (2002)’s thesis on the environmentalism of the poor.In their collaborative Environmental Justice Atlas (EJAtlas), their Peru sample reports a success rate of 24% in stopping projects. We contend that successful resistance represents only 25% of the total universe of Peru mining conflicts. Our claim is built on the study of 517 conflicts in Peru between 2005 and 2019, as registered by the Ombudsperson's Office. The evidence suggests, moreover, that contentious collective action commonly subordinates environmental justice causes to conventional economic concerns and resolutions, resulting in mining conflicts unfolding into compensation schemes and better deal settlements. Our straightforward interpretation is that while negative impacts are complex phenomena not homogeneously experienced among and within local communities, across space and over time, natural resource commodification brings with it the promise of local development opportunities. We draw a complementary extractivism of the poor hypothesis: there are diverse forms of (bitter) accommodation with or (structured) involvement in natural resource commodification of the poor and the indigenous. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Toxic mobilization: mining, pollution and power in the highlands of Peru(Taylor & Francis, 2022-09-19)This paper analyzes how the toxic consequences of extractive industries like mining have reconfigured both local topographies and introduced new structures and meanings regarding environmental justice and mobilization for communities living in polluted areas. Based on a longitudinal ethnographic study of the case of Espinar in Peru, the paper explains how the company and the government’s management of uncertainty regarding land and water pollution have transformed the meaning of mobilization for communities and their capacities for cleaning or at least improving their environment. I argue that local and global connections and transnational support still open opportunities for meaningful local mobilization despite uncertainty and ambiguity in managing environmental pollution, which weakens social cohesion and fragments the positions of inhabitants concerning collective and political action. However, communities can unwillingly embrace toxic conflicts: low intense, fragmented, but persistent forms of mobilization to bargain for some form of partial compensation from the company and the state. This form of conflict reinforces the internal fragmentation of the overall community and runs against environmental justice aspirations. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, There is more than the emblematic stop-the-mine type: Reply to Martinez-Alier et al. on environmental justice conflicts(Elsevier Ltd, 2022-12-01)Stop-the-mine contention is a notorious type of environmental justice conflict. One central argument in Orihuela et al. (2022) is that a significantly more prevalent category in Peru is better-deal or co-existence conflict, a collection of diverse and shifting cases of accommodation-within-mobilization. The third big environmental justice conflict type is when affected communities do not mobilize, which by definition goes mostly under the radar of justice activists, bureaucrats and researchers. We adjust a summary table of the Peru case, showing that the claim that stop-the-mine conflicts are a minority holds when considering as a conflict universe the total of mines facing mobilization only, what Martinez-Alier et al. (2022) consider the right denominator for estimating a “successful resistance ratio”. However, we underscore that both (a) excluding mines without contentious mobilization from the environmental conflict discussion and (b) collapsing independent cases of political contention against a mine into a one-mine-means-one-conflict categorical variable lead to fairly partial readings of the political economy of environmental justice. In addition, we identify in our colleagues’ reply troublesome claims regarding the conceptualization of environmental conflicts and a handful of misrepresentations of our original paper.