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Item type:Publication, Modelling death rates due to COVID-19: A Bayesian approach(Cornell University, 2020-04-06)Objective: To estimate the number of deaths in Peru due to COVID-19. Design: With a priori information obtained from the daily number of deaths due to CODIV-19 in China and data from the Peruvian authorities, we constructed a predictive Bayesian non-linear model for the number of deaths in Peru. Exposure: COVID-19. Outcome: Number of deaths. Results: Assuming an intervention level similar to the one implemented in China, the total number of deaths in Peru is expected to be 612 (95%CI: 604.3 - 833.7) persons. Sixty four days after the first reported death, the 99% of expected deaths will be observed. The inflexion point in the number of deaths is estimated to be around day 26 (95%CI: 25.1 - 26.8) after the first reported death. Conclusion: These estimates can help authorities to monitor the epidemic and implement strategies in order to manage the COVID-19 pandemic. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, The distress of Iranian adults during the Covid-19 pandemic – More distressed than the Chinese and with different predictors(Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 2020-04-07)Summary Early papers on the mental health of the public during the Covid-19 pandemic surveyed participants from China. Outside of China, Iran has emerged as one of the most affected countries with a high death count and rate. The paper presents the first empirical evidence from Iranian adults during the Covid-19 pandemic on their level of distress and its predictors. On March 25–28, 2020, a dire time for Covid-19 in Iran, we surveyed 1058 adults from all 30 provinces in Iran using the Covid-19 Peritraumatic Distress Index (CPDI). The distress level of Iranian adults (mean: 34.54; s.d.: 14.92) was significantly higher (mean difference: 10.9; t =22.7; p <0.0001; 95% CI : 10.0 to 11.8) than that of Chinese adults (mean: 23.65; s.d.: 5.45) as reported in a prior study with the same measure of Covid-19 Peritraumatic Distress Index (CPDI). We also found the predictors of distress in Iran vary from those in China. Our findings that the predictors of distress in Iran vary from those in China suggest the need to study the predictors of mental health in individual countries during the Covid-19 pandemic to effectively identify and screen for those more susceptible to mental health issues. Funding None - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Locational factors and the reindustrialisation process in the USA; Reshoring from China(Inderscience Publishers, 2020-01-01)The main goal of this paper is to analyse the influence of locational factors on the reindustrialisation process in the USA through reshoring from China. The applicability of traditional location theories and their locational factors are also examined here. This paper evaluates the development of labour cost, agglomeration effect, land cost, and raw material cost over recent years as factors encouraging the reindustrialisation process. Transportation cost and the impact of political institutions offer contrasting pictures. While high intermodal freight costs in the US and an appreciating Yuan promote the reindustrialisation process, low ocean shipping costs and enormous business incentives in China weaken the positive effects. All in all, it is concluded that most locational factors have changed in favourable ways for the USA and thus made manufacturing in the USA comparatively more attractive. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, What makes employees more proactive? Roles of job embeddedness, the perceived strength of the HRM system and empowering leadership(John Wiley and Sons Inc, 2020-01-01)Drawing on the theory of planned behavior, the current study examined the effects of employees’ job embeddedness and the perceived strength of the human resource management (HRM) system on their proactive work behaviors, as well as the moderation effect of empowering leadership on these relationships. We tested our hypotheses using data collected from 206 Chinese employees in a three-wave survey. The results demonstrated the positive effects of both job embeddedness and the perceived strength of the HRM system on employees’ proactive work behaviors. We also found that the relationship between the perceived strength of the HRM system and proactive work behaviors was stronger when the levels of empowering leadership were high rather than low. However, the moderation effect of empowering leadership on the relationship between job embeddedness and proactive work behaviors was not significant. Our study contributes to the understanding of the antecedents of Chinese employees’ proactive work behaviors from the perspective of motivation and behavioral control. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, China’s presence in the South American region. Its implications in the field of security(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Instituto de Estudios Internacionales (IDEI), 2022)In this regard, this policy paper focuses on analyzing and comparing the contents of the six aforementioned studies comprising the book, from which the following general conclusions were reached: The insertion of the People’s Republic of China in Latin America, particularly in the six countries participating in the Security Policy Network, has been characterized by the subtlety of its approach, i.e., by the use of soft power mechanisms, thus far not seeking visibility, a dramatic alteration of the pre-existing conditions or a confrontation with the United States in what is considered the immediate sphere of U.S. influence. China’s penetration in South American countries is characterized by pragmatism (not conditioned to ideologies, values or principles), flexibility (it adapts to each country’s circumstances or characteristics) and differentiation (depending on the country in question), essentially concentrating on the economic field. China’s insertion in South American countries was initially through trade, investment and financing. This was encouraged by the increase in raw materials prices in the countries and by China’s accelerated import of these raw materials (food, minerals, etc.), which generated significant profits and benefits for both parties. It also, however, meant these countries’ greater dependence on the Asian superpower, as well as the intensification of their primary export structure. The 2008 crisis accelerated China’s capital exports, which translated into strong direct investments in South American States, increasing even more their dependence on the Asian giant. Subsequently, China has sought a more comprehensive relationship with the region’s countries through its 2008 and 2016 plans for Latin America and the Caribbean, in some cases succeeding in forming strategic partnerships. Doing so ensures a relationship not limited to the economic sphere but extended to the political, social, military and cultural ones, thus increasing China’s support and influence in the world. The U.S. perceives this insertion as a threat, although it seems not to have a strategy for regional containment of China, let alone a policy against the region’s States that are moving closer to it. In contrast, most South American countries seem not to perceive a threat from China’s insertion, at least if it remains essentially concentrated in the economic field, as it has been up to now. Moreover, unlike China’s vision, most South American countries perceive the Asian power only or mainly as an economic partner and not as a political ally. With the exception of Bolivia, the other five countries studied are taking advantage of their relationship with China to increase their trade income, attract investments and obtain loans from that country, all favorable to their economic and social development. At the same time, they are seeking to keep the U.S. as their strategic ally, maintaining the values and principles it postulates. It is why these countries are trying to avoid aligning with China or approving measures either superpower could perceive as aggressive. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, The economic consequences of the loan guarantees and firm’s performance: a moderate role of corporate social responsibility(SAGE Publishing, 2021-10-04)This study examines the causal relationship between loan guarantee and firm’s performance through a moderate role of corporate social responsibility (CSR). This study used 350 non-financial firms of China for data analysis. This study used annual panel data set from non-financial firms starting from 2009 to 2019. The findings show that a positive significant association exists among the relationship between loan guarantee and firm’s performance. Moreover, a moderate role of Corporate Social Responsibility also strengthens the relationship between the loan guarantee and firm’s performance. Furthermore, the logit regression results show that the loan guarantee, financial performances and CSR are negatively affecting the long-term zero-debts through all combinations. Also, the financial performances and loan guarantees are negatively influencing the constraints of firms in China, which shows that the financial performances and loan guarantee improvement of the firms lead to removing the constraints of firms in China. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, The Sino-Peruvian relation and the construction of the official narrative of Peru as a hub management(2022-05-11)This article discusses the driving forces behind the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Peru. Accordingly, the importance of bilateral cooperation in the development of Sino-Peruvian relations is being assessed. Given that the Chinese presence in Peru is an extended phenomenon, the article attempts to determine the extent of China’s influence on bilateral relations and its importance in building the official narrative of Peruvian decision-makers regarding the trans-Pacific image they aim to project in relation to China. For this reassion the article recurs to the productive notion of power, focusing on intangible elements mainly to enquire by the discursive constructions of the Peruvian technocrat agents and related practices embedded into the Sino-Peruvian relation −strongly led by the Asian country. The article concludes that the main topics of bilateral cooperation make it possible to single out four stages of China’s international policy towards Peru. Even though the Sino-Peruvian relation does not ground either can be explained exclusively on economic criteria or an institutional basis, the current associativity between both countries answer to the reciprocal knowledge triggered by migratory waves of the Chinese in moments of economic and political stress. At the same time, the discourses and narratives created by Peruvian technocrats acknowledge the country’s trans-Pacific identity; China’s weight in this identification is defining for the narrative of Peru as a bridge country in the 1990s and South America’s operational hub in Asia in the 21st century. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Bilateral relations between Peru and Russia in the 21st century: A Peruvian perspective(2022-05-11)Since the beginning of the 21st century, Russia has tried to regain its status as a great power in world politics, leaving behind its ideological profile that characterized it during the Soviet era. Although it is true that Russian influence in Latin America is still far from reaching the levels of the United States, the European Union or China, Moscow has recently managed to increase its presence in the region. In turn, Peru aspires to position itself as an “emerging regional power”, with an important economic projection towards Asia-Pacific, although maintaining – for now – its strategic alignment with the West. After describing the main milestones of the historical relationship between Peru and Russia –as an empire, a Soviet republic and a post-Soviet republic –, this article seeks to identify the dynamics, as well as the main dimensions of the bilateral relationship in the 21st century. It concludes that, with the exception of the historical supply of Russian weapons to Peru, the links between the two states have been of a relatively low intensity, as a result of Peru’s international identity, convergent with theWest; a generally unfavorable and/or erroneous image of Russia among the country’s elites; as well as the economizing trend in its contemporary foreign policy. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Authoritarian Practices Between ‘Para-Coloniality’ and ‘Cheap Security’: When Chinese State Capital Meets Neoliberal Copper Mining (and Protests) in Las Bambas, Peru(Taylor & Francis, 2023-03-05)How does Chinese state capital operate in the neoliberal setting of Peruvian mining? The article tackles this question by focusing on Las Bambas, a large mine in the Andean highlands of Apurimac. We argue that China’s quest for Peruvian copper entwines state capital with neoliberal and authoritarian practices of state violence in a case of ‘para-coloniality.’ This concept explains how Chinese mining operations build on and reproduce the legacies of European colonialism and authoritarian rule under Fujimorismo to extract natural resources from formerly colonized territories. A corollary element in this relationship is that of ‘cheap security’, i.e. the Peruvian state’s practice of legally selling its policing services to mining companies who use them to discipline dissidents. The article draws on Critical Geopolitics, Legal Sociology and Political Ecology and highlights the shifting hierarchies of power that shape conflicts around copper extraction in the Andean highlands of Peru. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, A Demand-side Explanation of Offshore Autocratic Assistance: The Case of China and Russia and the Consolidation of Authoritarianism in Venezuela(Routledge, 2026-01-01)When do authoritarian incumbents request the assistance of autocratic powers located several thousand kilometres away? What type of assistance do they request? While most of the literature focuses on the supply of assistance by autocratic powers, the framework proposed here puts the incumbents that request assistance at the centre. This is tested by looking at the inter-state relations between Nicolás Maduro's regime in Venezuela and two offshore autocratic powers: the People's Republic of China and Russia. We process-trace the different types and intensities of domestic and international threats to the regime's survival, the high-level contacts between the authorities of these regimes and the various types of assistance that Venezuela requested during the period of autocratic consolidation between 2014-23. The proposed demand-side framework is instrumental in understanding offshore autocratic assistance in which the strategic motivations of the autocratic powers for 'promoting authoritarianism' are less clear than in the case of autocratic collaboration within a sphere of influence.