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    Weaving Alliances Before and With the Peruvian Post-Conflict State: A Pro-Reparations Coalition of Ayacucho Victims’ Organizations
    (Universidad de los Andes, Bogota Colombia, 2023-04-01)
    Twenty years after the delivery of the final report of the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2003), we should pay attention to the trajectories of political agency of the leaders of Ayacucho victims’ organizations, precisely the area where the greatest violence and human rights violations were unleashed. This is especially true when there is no consensus on what happened and when the fujimorismo actors are still present —and highly visible— in the political debate, while the victims and their associations lack the same media attention and political links. In this article, we analyze the changes in the political agency of the leaders of these Ayacucho organizations in post-conflict Peru and their impact on their relationship with the State. To this end, we adopted a qualitative methodology based on fieldwork in Ayacucho and interviews with key actors. We found that such associations have gone through a generational change, have gained certain organizational capacities (with internal variations according to trajectories and experiences in political advocacy), and have learned to weave a pro-reparations coalition with various actors —NGO, churches, international cooperation, some state agencies at multiple levels of government, and officials— to promote reparations and memory policies. In this advocacy, they have developed new ways of relating to the State without the intermediation of NGO: no longer seeing it as distant and reluctant to collaborate, but accepting it as an instance of joint work, lobbying, and even assuming bureaucratic positions to promote their agenda, without this implying an end to mistrust.
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    Processing absence: No-body techniques and the impossibility of mourning among relatives of the disappeared in Ayacucho
    (SAGE Publishing, 2026-02-01)
    This article examines how relatives of the disappeared during Peru's internal armed conflict (1980–2000) in Ayacucho process loss without the presence of bodies. It argues that grieving, a ritual process, is disrupted by disappearance, creating a prolonged liminal space. Through ethnographic analysis, this article explores the strategies relatives use to confront disappearance and death in a context of uncertainty, focusing on the impossibility of mourning due to the absence of bodies. I introduce the concept of No-body techniques to describe strategies developed by relatives to make sense of reality and repair broken bonds. These techniques, rooted in individual and collective action, challenge the State and expand its boundaries of citizenship recognition. Ultimately, this article concludes that No-body techniques are integral to the quest for truth and memorialisation, embedded in mourning practices that allow the deceased to persist in the social world even after decades of uncertainty.
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    La prefectura y las subprefecturas ayacuchanas como artífices del nacionalismo ante el litigio fronterizo entre Perú y Ecuador (1910)
    (Universidad de Los Andes, 2025-01-10)
    Context/objective: The border conflict between Peru and Ecuador (1910) over the definition of their frontiers fueled the Peruvian nationalism that emerged in the nineteenth century. The trigger was a series of clashes at the Consulate and the Legate's Office of Peru in Ecuador between March and May 1910. In the following pages, we will analyze the role of local and regional political bodies (prefectura and subprefecturas of the Andean region of Ayacucho) in the exaltation of nationalism used to collect resources and the “blood contingent” for the war. Methodology: We use discourse and documentary analysis of telegrams and memos sent from and to the prefectura and subprefecturas of Ayacucho. Originality: The role played by local authorities in constructing Peruvian nationalism has not been sufficiently addressed; however, it is of great importance since it allows us to understand the homogenizing effort of the nascent State and its multiple contradictions. Conclusions: We will note how the nationalism imposed by regional and local governments was accepted in theory. However, it was pretty diminished among citizens of all social sectors when it was needed to swell the troops.
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