3. Producción

Browse

Search Results

Now showing 1 - 10 of 15

Some of the metrics are blocked by your
consent settings
Rewriting in Procesos autónomos by Manuel Fernández: When poetry does social analysis
(Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades, Departamento de Literatura, 2020-11-01)
The present article proposes a critical lecture of Procesos autónomos, by Manuel Fernández, following three guiding lines: the notion of autonomy in the light of some episodes of Peruvian history and society projects envisaged from nonhegemonic segments, the rewriting dynamics that operate in both the intertextual and the “academic” sides of the book, and the poetic implications that follow from the book as a project that belongs to the contemporary setting of Peruvian and Latin American poetry. Our working hipothesis is that the book, in addition to be a legitimate contribution to the literary field of poetry, offers the reader a proposal and design of a consistent research on Peruvian society.
Some of the metrics are blocked by your
consent settings
Independent block of Macha Caporal
(2021-10-11)
This paper explores the experience of six Macha Caporal dancers belonging to an independent female block in La Paz, a recent and still unexplored mode of association to dance. This article analyzes and makes visible the challenges and restrictions women face in endeavoring to sustain an independent dance practice in the context of urban folk dance in Bolivia. Through the accounts of the women and the ethnographic material gathered from fieldwork in 2018 in Bolivia, the study portrays the women’s dancing context revealing the challenges and restrictions linked to the condition of being women in a society that is traversed by chauvinism. In the task of dancing, the women’s performance reveals a complex negotiation of gender roles, ideas, and expectations; processes that highlight the women’s agency and determination to carry on with a practice that ultimately grants them feelings of self-validation and autonomy.
Some of the metrics are blocked by your
consent settings
How much local autonomy is good for a city? An analysis of the Peruvian constitutional design for cities and its effects in the case of the Lima Metropolitan Area
(Springer, 2021-01-01)
The decentralization reform that started in Peru in 2002, which divided the country into regions, provinces and districts, was initially regarded as a just and long-postponed project. However, while the constitution grants all local governments political, economic and administrative autonomy, the rapid population growth many cities have experienced since then calls for the reevaluation of the whole design. This is especially the case for the Lima Metropolitan Area, of which the population has more than doubled since the 1980s. This chapter analyses the effects that being divided into various autonomous districts can have for the governance of a metropolis. We argue that the division causes practical difficulties for reasons rooted in the Peruvian constitutional design, and that this fragmentation hinders the provision of public services, reduces long-term planning and may cause spending inefficiencies. A reexamination of this flawed constitutional design for its cities could be the first step for Peru to finally adapt to its new urban reality as well as to keep up with future changes.
Some of the metrics are blocked by your
consent settings
Internalization of mastery goals: the differential effect of teachers’ autonomy support and control
(Frontiers Media S.A., 2021-02-05)
Two linked studies explored whether students’ perceptions differentiate between teachers’ autonomy support and control when presenting mastery goals, and the outcomes of these two practices, in terms of students’ internalization of mastery goals and their behavioral engagement. In two phases, Study 1 (N = 317) sought to validate a new instrument assessing students’ perceptions of teachers’ autonomy support and control when presenting mastery goals. Study 2 (N = 1,331) demonstrated that at both within- and between-classroom levels, perceptions of teachers’ autonomy support for mastery goals were related to students’ mastery goals’ endorsement and behavioral engagement. These relations were mediated by students’ autonomous reasons to pursue learning activities. Perceptions of teachers’ control predicted disengagement through controlled reasons for learning, but only at the within-classroom level. This research joins a growing body of work demonstrating that combining achievement goal theory with SDT can further our understanding of the underpinnings of achievement motivation. It suggests that if teachers want their students to endorse mastery goals (and be more engaged), they need to use more autonomy supportive practices and less controlling ones.
Some of the metrics are blocked by your
consent settings
Psychological profiles of social media users: an exploratory and predictive study in Peruvian adolescents
(Springer International Publishing, 2021-10-25)
Some of the metrics are blocked by your
consent settings
Psychological empowerment and job stress in higher education institutions in Ecuador
(Dove Medical Press Ltd, 2022-01-01)
Both psychological empowerment and job stress have been the subjects of great concern, studied mainly in developed countries. In emerging economies, few studies have contributed to the knowledge of the relationship between these two constructs. This study analyzed the relationship between the dimensions of psychological empowerment and job stress in tenured professors from public higher education institutions in Ecuador during 2019, providing insights for achieving better results regarding the productivity and well-being of teachers. This research seeks to bridge the knowledge gap concerning psychological empowerment and job stress within an academic context in an emerging economy. Methods: In this quantitative study, a confirmatory model was proposed. Correlation analysis was used to investigate whether psychological empowerment dimensions are related to job stress. Data were collected from a sample of 200 tenured professors working at public universities located in Zone 3 of Ecuador in 2019. The instrument applied for psychological empowerment was proposed by Spreitzer, composed of four dimensions—meaning, competence, impact, and autonomy. For job stress, the Occupational Stress Inventory-Revised (OSI-R) instrument applied was proposed and revised by Osipow. Results: Through structural equation modeling with partial least squares, it was possible to demonstrate that psychological empowerment reduces levels of job stress only when it is perceived that there is autonomy, fewer limitations, and more freedom. No evidence was identified that other components of psychological empowerment, such as meaning, competence, and impact, are related to job stress. Conclusion: The results indicated that the model used to explain the relationship between these variables had weak predictive power. Furthermore, only one research hypothesis is accepted. Finally, these findings are corroborated and explained by the different perspectives presented by various authors.
Some of the metrics are blocked by your
consent settings
Examining school boards’ chaotic leadership style in relation to teachers' job satisfaction and emotional exhaustion
(Elsevier Ltd, 2022-10-01)
School leaders adopt a chaotic style when they abdicate their responsibilities by being unavailable, passive, unpredictable and permissive. Surprisingly, this dark side of leaders’ style has been largely ignored in contemporary research. In a sample of 205 teachers, this cross-sectional study revealed that, an autonomy-supportive style positively related to job satisfaction via need satisfaction, while a chaotic style positively related to emotional exhaustion via need frustration. Latent profile analyses revealed four profiles: highly autonomy-supportive (35%), moderate on both styles (41%), moderately chaotic (18%), and highly chaotic (6%). A group that was low on both styles was not found.
Some of the metrics are blocked by your
consent settings
Latecomer state formation: Political geography and capacity failure in Latin America
(Duke University Press, 2022-05-01)
As of late, political scientists have ventured into studying the historical dynamics of state building in Latin America, a trend that has not gone unnoticed among historians. Such works have focused on the capacity of states to wage war and their bureaucratic development but have thus far abstained from offering a general theory regarding state formation in the region. Sebastián Mazzuca takes this leap by offering a wide theoretical approach that seeks to analyze the diverse political geography of Latin American countries and to understand why, in Mazzuca's words, these “states were born weak” (p. 1).Mazzuca eloquently argues that in Latin America, early success regarding state formation meant failure at state building. Unlike Max Weber's and Charles Tilly's “pioneer” European states—where the processes of state formation and state building ran in parallel—Latin American “latecomer” countries first formed states, which in turn inhibited their state-building capacities (pp. 29–32). With states already in place, Latin American leaders did not become strong through conflict with their neighbors. Rather, statesmen opted to establish coalitions with their peripheries, which maintained autonomy as they were never subdued militarily by the center. The will to pursue—or reject—such coalitions was determined by the desire to pursue what Mazzuca terms “trade-led state formation,” as countries sought to increase their revenues not through taxation but by inserting themselves in the global economy, an opportunity offered by the nineteenth-century Pax Britannica.Within this framework, both geography and politics determined the three different “pathways of state formation” taken by the region's various countries, summarized by Mazzuca as “port-driven” (Argentina and Brazil), “party-driven” (Colombia, Mexico, and Uruguay), and “lord-driven” (Central America, Peru, and Venezuela). The pathways chosen explain why some states emerged as “colossuses” and why others were geographically smaller or, indeed, why other political units never came into existence or disappeared altogether. For the port-driven pathway, “entrepreneurs” incorporated unruly peripheries to foster a favorable climate for foreign trade. The party-driven pathway had an “expansionary” tendency via the establishment of coalitions to widen the basis of party support. Finally, the lord-driven pathway shows a “reductionist propensity,” as caudillos did not wish to weaken their power by enlarging their territories.Mazzuca's theory of “trade-led state formation” is intriguing, and not only for political scientists. After all, few historians will decisively argue that Latin American states devoted more time to war than to trade. Likewise, his exploration of potential “alternative” states (the Republic of Tucumán and the Republic of Piratini, among others) that faded from history also illustrates how the different pathways available to Latin American leaders determined the region's current political geography. It also offers historians the opportunity to study these forgotten political relics.Yet the book's organization is problematic. Argentina generously receives two extensive chapters in which a conventional political narrative is employed to ground Mazzuca's arguments, while Mexico and Brazil receive one chapter each, equally characterized by such traditional histories. Colombia and Uruguay are combined into a single chapter as states driven by party dynamics, although the difference in size and capacity between them is not decisively explained by this pathway. Finally, Central America, Peru, and Venezuela are lumped together in the final pages of the book. Latin American historians will be disappointed to see such disparate countries put together; furthermore, in the case of port-driven states, an interesting but limited way of looking at geography prevails.More importantly, by relegating some states to a second tier, Mazzuca loses a golden opportunity to further explore his theory. Peru is a good example of this. Barely ten pages are used to analyze the only Andean country in his study. Following the lord-driven pathway, Ramón Castilla is primarily seen as a “state-breaker” due to the collapse of the Peru-Bolivian Confederation (p. 380). This conclusion will be surprising to experts on the period, for whom Castilla is seen as a state maker (who also had access to a port, albeit a Pacific one). Castilla was a secondary figure during the years of the confederation, with no power to break states. Furthermore, by centering his analysis on that failed political union, Mazzuca forgoes the chance to fully analyze the arrival of the guano boom, which would strengthen his trade-led state formation theory.In his conclusion, Mazzuca ventures the ambitious remark that the colonial legacy ought to be “deemphasized but not ignored,” as it was essentially obliterated after independence (p. 399). This might be true in the peripheries of the Spanish empire, such as Argentina, but for the centers few will decisively argue that colonial structures—material or psychological—had the limited impact that Mazzuca argues. Despite these controversies, the book provides a solid theory from which one can build on—or against—Tilly's famous dictum. If approached with nuance, it offers a useful conceptual framework to explore future histories of the Latin American state.
Some of the metrics are blocked by your
consent settings
Freedom in Babel
(Universidad Autonoma de Madrid, Bajo Palabra Philosophical Association, 2024-01-01)
There are many reasons to associate the contemporary crisis with the metaphorical situation referred to by the name Babel, including its apocalyptic connotations. And there are equally valid reasons to inquire about the direction that the idea of freedom has been taking. However, regarding both Babel and freedom, there are multiple interpretations. The article proposes an initial hermeneutical framework on the complexity of facets of the Babel metaphor and a reformulation of the concept of freedom in that context, inspired by the three-dimensional vision originally suggested by Hegel.
Some of the metrics are blocked by your
consent settings
Education as Flourishing: Self-Determination Theory in Schools as They Are and as They Might Be
(Oxford University Press, 2023-01-01)
In the perspective of self-determination theory the central aim of education should be that of enhancing students’ flourishing. Flourishing involves not only the development of cognitive capacities but also capacities for agency, prosocial relationships, and psychological wellness. Strong evidence within self-determination theory, reviewed herein, shows how teaching styles that support students’ basic needs for autonomy, relatedness, and competence foster these aspects of flourishing, enhancing the quality of students’ engagement, learning, and social relationships. Also highlighted are how students’ motivation and agency reciprocally influence teachers’ tendency to be need supportive, such that interventions on both sides of the teacher-student relationship can enhance learning climates. Nonetheless, this body of evidence concerns optimizing need supports within existing school environments, which too often remain mired in policies, practices, and omnipresent evaluations that are not designed for student flourishing, and which instead often harm both students’ and teachers’ well-being and motivation. The chapter’s conclusion includes a call to broaden the criteria by which schools are evaluated to include process as well as outcome targets. Creating the best schools we can imagine entails the assessment and cultivation of what really matters (i.e., process targets) to student flourishing in both their present and future lives.

3. Producción

Browse

Filters

Settings

Sort By

Results per page

Search Results