3. Producción

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    The environmentalization of mining in Colombia, Chile, and Peru: A comparative analysis of green state formation
    (Elsevier, 2020-11-26)
    The environmentalization of mining is similar but different in Colombia, Chile, and Peru, and adopting an embeddedness theory framework helps to explain this. Green state formation diffuses because the international political economy demands so: world society embeds the economy and pushes for environmental rights, which leads to trade rules. However, particular institutional and ecological contexts shape the development of distinct varieties of state greening. In particular, the 1970s and 1990s junctures were windows of opportunity for diverse green state formation processes, conditioned by their respective national contexts: there was an early start with decentralized features in Colombia, a late beginning and constrained state formation in Chile, and very late and mostly legal progress in Peru. Environmentalization is highly idiosyncratic, characterized by policy and law progressivism in Colombia, neoliberal technocraticism in Chile, and lawmaking with the lowest bureaucratic autonomy in Peru. Mining being so powerful, its environmental impacts so complex, and green state formation so restricted or minimal, the environmentalization of mining appears formal and discursive for the most part, especially in Peru's weak state.
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    One and three forests: understanding institutional diversity in Amazonian protected areas
    (Elsevier, 2021-12-01)
    We offer an ethnographic account of how forest conservation is diversely assembled at the contiguous Tambopata National Reserve and Bahuaja Sonene National Park, biodiversity hotspots in the southern Peruvian Amazon. In so doing, and revising Elinor Ostrom and collaborators' Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) Framework, we put together a theory framework of forest institutional change, informed by assemblage perspectives. Given the context of high world society interest in the Amazon and low spatial reach of the Peruvian state, charismatic wildlife watching and scientific investigation, Brazil nuts harvest, and gold mining shape the customizing of conservation assemblages. Institutional change is the result of how Peruvian State and diverse local groups adapt, resist and reconfigure through the ongoing practices of assemblage, which are pulled by conservation and commodification forces. Responding to the IAD framework, we propose institutional diversity fundamentally means that practices of assemblage are neither uniform, nor static.
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    From paper institutions to bureaucratic autonomy: institutional change as a resource curse remedy
    (Elsevier, 2021-07-01)
    Over the last three decades, drawn by international influence and local discontent, mineral-dependent Peru has progressed in the acquisition of environmental protection regulations and policies for its mining industry. However, for regulations and policy announcements to matter, in face of power asymmetries and economic dependence, there must be bureaucratic autonomy. The cases of Hualgayoc and Pasco, scenarios of long and distinct processes of environmental damage and contention regarding mining in the Peruvian Andes, show fairly limited progress in environmental protection. This study on institutional change begins at the 1990s domestic-neoliberalism-meets-global-environmentalism juncture. The triumphant policy ideology of liberal boosting of the economy structured newborn environmental functions of the state for its mining industry. We show that pressures from above —the greened international political economy— and below —grassroots activism and protest— are contextual conditions enabling formal institutional change: they compel a resource-dependent developing country to carry out institutional reform to protect the environment from extractive industries. However, accretion of formal rules does not bring on their own bureaucratic autonomy for environmental protection.
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    Extractivism of the poor: natural resource commodification and its discontents
    (Elsevier, 2021-09-02)
    In a recent series of articles, ecological distribution conflicts scholars present descriptive statistical analyses backing Joan Martinez-Alier (2002)’s thesis on the environmentalism of the poor.In their collaborative Environmental Justice Atlas (EJAtlas), their Peru sample reports a success rate of 24% in stopping projects. We contend that successful resistance represents only 25% of the total universe of Peru mining conflicts. Our claim is built on the study of 517 conflicts in Peru between 2005 and 2019, as registered by the Ombudsperson's Office. The evidence suggests, moreover, that contentious collective action commonly subordinates environmental justice causes to conventional economic concerns and resolutions, resulting in mining conflicts unfolding into compensation schemes and better deal settlements. Our straightforward interpretation is that while negative impacts are complex phenomena not homogeneously experienced among and within local communities, across space and over time, natural resource commodification brings with it the promise of local development opportunities. We draw a complementary extractivism of the poor hypothesis: there are diverse forms of (bitter) accommodation with or (structured) involvement in natural resource commodification of the poor and the indigenous.
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    There is more than the emblematic stop-the-mine type: Reply to Martinez-Alier et al. on environmental justice conflicts
    (Elsevier Ltd, 2022-12-01)
    Stop-the-mine contention is a notorious type of environmental justice conflict. One central argument in Orihuela et al. (2022) is that a significantly more prevalent category in Peru is better-deal or co-existence conflict, a collection of diverse and shifting cases of accommodation-within-mobilization. The third big environmental justice conflict type is when affected communities do not mobilize, which by definition goes mostly under the radar of justice activists, bureaucrats and researchers. We adjust a summary table of the Peru case, showing that the claim that stop-the-mine conflicts are a minority holds when considering as a conflict universe the total of mines facing mobilization only, what Martinez-Alier et al. (2022) consider the right denominator for estimating a “successful resistance ratio”. However, we underscore that both (a) excluding mines without contentious mobilization from the environmental conflict discussion and (b) collapsing independent cases of political contention against a mine into a one-mine-means-one-conflict categorical variable lead to fairly partial readings of the political economy of environmental justice. In addition, we identify in our colleagues’ reply troublesome claims regarding the conceptualization of environmental conflicts and a handful of misrepresentations of our original paper.
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    Rules, institutions and policy capacity: A comparative analysis of lithium-based development in Argentina, Bolivia and Chile
    (Elsevier BV, 2024-09-17)
    We carry out a comparative institutional analysis of lithium development in neighboring Argentina, Bolivia and Chile, which together hold over 50 % of world lithium reserves. The comparison reveals that lithium institutional development is subject to lon...
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    Slow environmental justice: The Cuninico oil spill and the legal struggle against oil pollution in Peruvian Amazonia
    (Routledge, 2024-01-01)
    This paper analyzes a case of environmental activism after one of the largest oil spills in Peruvian Amazonia, the 2014 Cuninico oil spill. A relatively more independent judiciary, environmental legislation, and weak though autonomous regulatory agencies led to a shift in institutional opportunity structure over the previous 20 years. The embryonic environmental state produced evidence of environmental harm and sanctioned state-owned oil enterprise Petroperú. However, that was not enough to produce timely measures to protect the affected communities. Indigenous peoples affected by the spill worked with human rights lawyers and civil society coalitions to bring the company to court. Almost a decade of high court activism has meant a burdensome process of ‘lawfare’ with important legal triumphs for plaintiffs. In 2020, a historic ruling mandated financial compensation for affected communities. Despite these triumphs, the long wait for the restitution of justice hints at an uncertain future.
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    Governmentality in Evidence? Evolving Rationalities of Forest Governance in Peru
    (Elsevier Ltd, 2023-06-01)
    During the recent decades, the effectiveness, sustainability and equity of environmental and resource policies have become increasingly intertwined in governance reforms. This situation with potentially inherent trade-offs has challenged not only the policy planners and implementers, but also the scientific and expert communities to justify the role of specific forms of scientific knowledge in the pursue of multiple and often conflicting objectives. Evidence is a closure of a particular science-policy interface in which the offered scientific knowledge satisfies institutional decision-making criteria. Therefore, for decision-makers evidence is not only information that is judged useful to make their decisions but also a persuasive tool for them to justify the decisions made through giving reasons. We focus on how different prevailing decision-making and administrative rationalities, governmentalities, have shaped the knowledge base and epistemic requirements of forest governance in Peru. We depict a shift from a forester-dominated to legalistic and neoliberal forest governance structure whose main goal has been to foster the forest economy under an economistic sustainable resource use mentality. Increasingly complex administrative processes to support tracing timber extraction, transport and trade have resulted from the institutional adjustments, but, parallelly, also emerging participatory planning processes have challenged and re-politicized the forest governance structure.
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    Resource Booms and Entrenched Gender Roles in the Andes
    (Wiley, 2025-11-01)
    This paper examines the effects of mining booms on local labor markets in contexts where traditional gender roles limit women's participation. Results show that job creation is primarily driven by increased male employment in mining, with spillovers into construction and local services. Female employment responses are mixed, while some women gain access to these jobs, others shift toward unpaid domestic work. The expansion of mining appears to benefit men and unmarried women, while married women and those with caregiving responsibilities face reduced opportunities. Women are also more affected by heterogeneity in age and education. The findings underscore the role of the care economy and gender dynamics in shaping labor market outcomes during resource booms.
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