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    Truth Commissions: individual and societal effects
    (Springer International Publishing, 2021-01-01)
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    Clase social, bienestar y afectividad general durante la pandemia de la COVID-19 en Iberoamérica
    (University of Málaga, 2021-12-03)
    La actual pandemia de la COVID-19 ha supuesto un marcado incremento de las brechas sociales preexistentes. En esta investigación analizamos las relaciones de diferentes facetas de clase social con el bienestar y afectividad general a lo largo de un total de 8 países de la región cultural iberoamericana. Asimismo, también pusimos a prueba el potencial rol mediador del riesgo percibido relativo a la COVID-19 y la eficacia colectiva percibida. Los resultados obtenidos (a) revelaron que una clase social más baja se relacionó con un menor bienestar y afecto positivo, y un mayor afecto negativo; (b) confirmaron que la clase social subjetiva constituye un mejor predictor del bienestar y afectividad general que la clase social objetiva (i.e., nivel educativo); y (c) mostraron que los efectos de la clase social subjetiva en el bienestar/afectividad general se daban de forma indirecta a través del riesgo percibido y la eficacia colectiva. Estos hallazgos confirman la existencia de diferencias en bienestar y afectividad general en función de la clase social durante la pandemia, al tiempo que permiten avanzar en la comprensión de los mecanismos psicosociales subyacentes.
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    Sociopolitical Consequences of COVID-19 in the Americas, Europe, and Asia: A Multilevel, Multicountry Investigation of Risk Perceptions and Support for Antidemocratic Practices
    (Wiley, 2023-10-17)
    Although different social crises may eventually favor undemocratic and authoritarian forms of governance, at some point, such antidemocratic practices require the support of a significant part of the population to be implemented. The present research investigates how and whether the COVID‐19 pandemic might have favoured greater support for antidemocratic governmental practices, on the premise of regaining control and security. Using data from 17 countries (N = 4364) and national‐level indicators (i.e., real number of contagions and deaths, and sociopolitical indicators), we test how the risk of contagion and death from COVID‐19, along with personal orientations (i.e., social dominance orientation [SDO], right‐wing authoritarianism [RWA], and perceived anomie) motivate authoritarian and antidemocratic practices. Results from multilevel models indicate that risk perception and perceptions of political instability predict a wish for stronger leadership, agreement with martial law, and support for a controlling government especially when SDO and RWA are high, while more egalitarian and less conservative people agree less with these authoritarian measures in spite of the levels of risk perception. We discuss the implications for these findings for future research on similar but also dissimilar external events (natural disasters, war, or terror incidents) and the consequences for societies with higher authoritarian tendencies.