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Item type:Publication, Perú 2019: crisis política y salida institucional(Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, 2020-01-01)The present article accounts for the events of the year 2019, focusing on the serious political crisis between the government and the Congress and its institutional outcome. The article explains how this crisis escalated in 2019 due to the corruption scandals seriously involving the country's political class. This crisis reached a turning point when President Martn Vizcarra dissolved the Congress in September with high public support. Yet the constitutional order was not broken and both the government and the country exhibited a surprising institutional continuity. Moreover, elections to replace the dissolved Congress were held without major incidents. On the one hand, the article argues that the institutional solution to the political crisis is related to the continuing loss of prestige of the Peruvian political class due to the corruption scandals. The possibility of social unrest linked to the dissolution of the congress, therefore, decreased. On the other hand, the weakness and flexibility of the Peruvian system made possible the rise of an independent politician to the top of the government, who, fortunately, was an institutionalist rather than an authoritarian leader. The article concludes that the overall outcome was contingent -it does not solve the structural problems of the Peruvian democracy as continuous sources of instability. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, An interactive model of democratic peace(SAGE Publishing, 2020-04-28)Abstract Democracies do not take up arms against each other. Although this axiom has attained the status of a mantra in the field of international relations, this statement is much more complex than it appears, in part because it is highly contingent on the definitions and operationalizations of both democracy and conflict. This article revisits democratic peace theory, combining both institutional constraints and similarity-based arguments. Interactions between the democratic level of the dyad (the average democratic level of its members) and its democratic spread (difference between the democratic scores of its members) create a dyadic triangle that encompasses all possible combinations of cases, revisiting which dyads are more prone to conflict. The findings partially confirm and partially refute both the institutional constraints and the similarity-based arguments, leading to a nuanced alternative theory: the Interactive Model of Democratic Peace. Akin to democratic peace theory, our evidence shows that the higher a dyad’s level of democracy is, the lower the probability of fatal militarized interstate disputes between that pair of states. However, contrary to democratic peace theory, we find that dissimilar-regime dyads can still be peaceful as long as they have a high mean of democracy. Following the theory of regime similarity, we consider the democratic spread of each dyad, but we find that being similar is not a sufficient condition for peace between the members of a dyad. From the empirical evidence, the article derives three heuristic zones of conflict, filling much of the gray area that has been left unexplained by previous models. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
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Item type:Publication, The quality of society(Springer International Publishing, 2021-09-16)This book articulates a unified theory of capitalism as an attempt to provide a comprehensive scientific theory of this social system. A unified theory of capitalism is not the combination of the predominant economic theories-neoclassical, classical, and Keynesian-so as to make them compatible. It is not a composite economic theory. It is a new economic theory. Predictions of the theory's models were consistent with eight basic empirical regularities of capitalism dealing with economic growth, income inequality, employment level, and environment degradation. Therefore, the unified theory can be accepted as a good approximation of the real capitalist world. But the models were constructed at a high level of abstraction. Also problematic was the need to work out more fully the public policy implications of the theory. It is, therefore, no wonder that essays on the unified theory to answer these questions are a natural outcome of a new scientific endeavor attempting to reach a unity of knowledge in economics. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, The education system of Peru 1948–2021 from Hispanicization to neoliberalism(Springer Nature, 2021-01-01) - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, The vulgarity of democracy. Political pornography, masculinity and politics in Ecuador. X. Andrade. Bogotá: Universidad de los Andes(John Wiley and Sons Inc, 2022-03-01)The book by the anthropologist X. Andrade (2019) shows us, by way of an ethnographic approach, the 1980s Ecuadorian populist movement through the archive of underground political commentary magazines written mostly by the independent journalist Pancho Jaime (1946–1989). By using chauvinistic language and grotesque visual representations, these magazines present obscene and sexist cartoons, in which the intimate and sexual life of the Ecuadorian elite is depicted. In this book, Andrade studies the production, circulation, and consumption of these materials in a specific historical context, their role in the visual and textual representations of power and politics, the social life of these documents, and how this is linked to restrictive notions of citizenship and democracy. X. Andrade understands these magazines as “material culture” using the definition of the Marxist anthropologist William Roseberry (1994) and as “minor literatures” (Deleuze and Guattari 1975) due to their illegal, underground, and marginal character in the public sphere. The author uses the concept of “political pornographies” to describe these magazines, a genre associated with grotesque and sexualized representations of the elite that are used to by the masses to deconstruct the elite public image and to provide a weapon of protest. Andrade also chooses the concept of “vulgarity” to describe the visual and textual representations of power as strategies for establishing a common ground between the elite and the masses based on everyday understandings of politics in general. This visual and textual representation forms a narrative composed of rumors, gossip, jokes, and insults in the local slang, while also constructing a visual compilation of illustrated naked bodies featuring exaggerated images of the intimate life of politicians, including their genitalia and sexual manners. The methodology used in this research was ethnographic in nature because the author was interested in understanding the production, circulation, and consumption of the magazine from the perspective of the people. The ethnographic work took place during the late 1990s, with supplementary research conducted in the 2000s. As part of this work, Andrade became involved with local intellectuals, as well as people directly involved in the production and consumption of the magazines, including other magazine contributors, readers, fans, and even Pancho Jaime's personal assistant. The readers that Andrade interacted with came from different social classes, political ideologies, and genres. He conducted focus groups with them where collective readings of the material were given. As a result, he was able to see how the material affected people, gaining insight into their perceptions during the actual act of reading. The book is divided into three sections: “History and Cultural Materials” (Chapters One and Two); “Texts and Images” (Chapters Three and Four); and “Machismo and Everyday Life” (Chapters Five and Six). The first chapter, “On Regionalism and Political Culture,” presents the historical, political, and social context of Ecuador in the 1980s where the magazines emerged and describes how the populist movement appeared during this period. The second chapter, “Pancho Jaime and His Gonzo Journalism,” presents central aspects of his biography and how the political thought that he adopts creates a critique of the elite and political establishment represented in his grotesque graphics, understood as political pornographies. Chapter Three, “Seeing Politics,” analyzes different testimonies from communities of readers regarding how they perceive the images of Pancho Jaime. The author focuses on the analysis of gender and masculinity and the reach of the populist phenomenon. In Chapter Four, “On Political Pornography, Cartoons, and Defacement,” the author analyzes Pancho Jaime's visual language, focusing on the cartoon as a graphic situated in a specific historical context and its effect on social circulation and consumption in the political sphere. Here, Andrade analyzes the cartoon forms, their political content, and the critiques that they make of the elite. In Chapter Five, “On Carnivalesque and Everyday Life,” and Chapter Six, “Masculinity and Politics of Everyday Life,” the author analyzes the discourses and performances of the genre that are carried out in both social interactions and the political sphere. Andrade focuses on daily uses of the hegemonic discourse of masculinity seen in Pancho Jaime's magazine, which has an impact on daily public performances. The author's ability to use his ethnographic and other collected data to account for the political and social changes in Guayaquil and Ecuador in the last 20 years brings a unique richness to this research on politics, citizenship, democracy, and masculinity. X. Andrade's book shows us a new way to understand politics and democracy beyond the traditional sociological and political science-focused proposals to understand “political culture,” which usually has an emphasis on electoral events, historical leaders, and political parties, among others. Through the analysis of these “obscene” visual and textual representations of the Ecuadorian elite, its social life as cultural material, and their impact on society, the reader can understand the different power dynamics that exist in a certain historical and cultural context in Ecuador. Andrade also proposes a complex analysis that goes beyond domination versus submission or idealizing the “resistance” in the masses. In fact, these cultural materials show us an ambiguous reality: Although they use mockery to resist and deconstruct political leaders, at the same time, they show a conservative understanding of ethnicity, gender, citizenship, democracy, and, most of all, masculinity. From an emic perspective, he also chooses to use and understand “populism” as a native category, since he tries to capture the complex relationship between political leaders and followers, where the latter are seen as independent thinkers who do not necessarily follow the ideology of their leaders exactly. Populism is understood as a social relationship, a territory where the history of democracy and class struggle takes place. This book provides useful material for classrooms for various reasons: a solid example of an ethnography from visual anthropology, and it can serve students and future researchers as a guide for how to cultivate an emic perspective, where different voices involved in the production and consumption of materials in a specific context are recovered and presented. Also, it provides a good starting point for finding similar examples of “political pornographies” in different countries, thus enabling an analysis of their visual and textual narratives—which reveal the particular complexities of the individual historical and cultural contexts in which they are studied. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Synodality, democracy, and democratization(Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana, 2024-07-01)This article aims to examine the conceptual relationship between synodality, constitutional democracy, and democratization processes within the Catholic Church. To this end, it begins by offering a preliminary definition of what both the synod and synodality mean, understood as a requirement that springs from the history of the Church and, especially, from the Second Vatican Council. It then presents the place of the Catholic Church within the constitutional democracy of law as part of transnational and global civil society. For conceptual accuracy, the Church will be understood as a community that embraces a “reasonable comprehensive doctrine” that is Christianity. In this regard, it will examine how the Church has been adjusting its doctrine in order to make it compatible with the demands of constitutional democracy by law. In addition, the Church will be understood as a “way of life,” understood in terms of “problem-solving instance” and as the area of personal relationships that aspire to “positive” or “balanced” reciprocity. Understanding the Church in terms of a “way of life” will allow us to examine the processes of democratization that take place and can be enhanced within the Church and how the synod and synodality contribute to this process. Thus, synodality is understood as a process in which relations of domination are weakened, and space is opened to respect for the dignity of people. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Peru’s leadership in the Lima Group: Emergence and failure (2015–2021)(Frontiers Media SA, 2024-01-01)This research seeks to understand the factors that enabled Peru, a medium-sized country in Latin America, to take on a leadership role in the creation and development of the Lima Group—a multilateral mechanism whose main objective was to find a resolution to the democratic crisis in Venezuela—as well as the subsequent failure of this leadership. Using the analytical tools provided by Neoclassical Realism, this study argues that Peru’s leadership was made possible not only by the growing importance of the Venezuelan crisis on the international agenda since 2015 but also by changes in regional and global power dynamics. These shifts allowed a country like Peru to exercise such leadership and garner greater interest from the United States. Additionally, the presence of a favorable domestic political climate and clear national interests led the Peruvian government to view this leadership as beneficial, not only for the region but also for Peru itself. However, despite the Venezuelan crisis remaining on the international agenda due to Nicolás Maduro’s continued hold on power, the hardening of the U.S. stance on Venezuela and political changes at the regional level since 2018 fractured the Lima Group and undermined Peru’s leadership. Moreover, domestically, political changes led to heightened instability, weakening Peru’s external position. Finally, the surge in Venezuelan migration and the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic shifted the priorities of Peru’s foreign policy, diminishing its focus on the Venezuelan crisis and contributing to the failure of its leadership. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, A qualitative study on the social representations of populism and democracy in Peru(Frontiers Media SA, 2024-01-01)The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the social representations of democracy, populism and the relationship between both concepts in a sample of citizens from different regions of Peru (n = 76). To this end, a qualitative research design was proposed, using in-depth interviews, which were analyzed from a discursive approach. The results show that democracy and populism are two closely related concepts in tension. On the one hand, the social representation of democracy is semantically poor, closely related to electoral behavior and is seen as a political system that, ideally, is positively valued. Populism, on the other hand, is seen as a political strategy based on the manipulation of citizens' needs in order to reach power using the democratic process of elections. The representation of populism in general is negative, and it is mentioned that it appears and acquires strength in the face of citizen dissatisfaction with democracy, when it cannot solve problems of poverty, corruption or exclusion. The representations of populism take up the constitutive components proposed by different authors on the topic (people, elites and democracy as a product of popular will), but the participants do not necessarily structure the relationships between these components as proposed in the academic literature. Finally, the results shows that respondents' experiences with democracy and populism in Peru act as important socializing forces that will frame how citizens relate to politics and the public. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Medios de comunicación, poder político y reelección presidencial en el segundo gobierno de Alberto Fujimori(CIG Media Group, 2024-06-14)En el presente artículo, el autor desarrolla las diversas estrategias de control de los medios de comunicación utilizadas durante el segundo gobierno del expresidente del Perú Alberto Fujimori. Dichas estrategias estuvieron enfocadas en manipular a la opinión pública y, con ello, asegurarse el ejercicio del poder mediante una segunda reelección presidencial. Para ello, se desarrollará el derecho a la libertad de información y su importancia en el mantenimiento del sistema democrático. Posteriormente, se caracterizará al segundo gobierno fujimorista y se situará la importancia de los medios de comunicación en dicho sistema. Finalmente, se presentarán una serie de sucesos acontecidos en las cuales se demuestra el manejo constante que hizo el régimen fujimorista de los medios de comunicación.